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Este trabalho apresenta parte dos resultados de uma pesquisa cujo objetivo foi mapear alguns dos efeitos de estratégias higienístico-urbanísticas da política de guerra às drogas na cidade de Cuiabá, Mato Grosso. Para tanto, utiliza-se das crônicas como narrativa de pesquisa para evidenciar como as políticas de guerra às drogas produzem práticas de mortificação social, num processo de seletividade penal. Em análise, argumentamos que o uso de drogas nos leva a uma problemática central que diz respeito ao modo como coabitamos nas cidades. Cidades fragmentadas, separadas por guetos e por marcadores sociais, muradas material e simbolicamente. As ruas se tornam um território em disputa desigual, onde urge uma ética, em vez de práticas de moralização e mortificação.

This paper presents part of the results of a research whose objective was to map some of the effects of hygienic-urban strategies of the War on Drugs policy in the city of Cuiabá, Mato Grosso. For that, chronicles are used as a research narrative to show how drug war policies produce practices of social mortification, in a process of criminal selectivity. In analysis, we argue that the use of drugs leads us to a central problem that concerns the way we cohabit in the cities. Fragmented cities, separated by ghettos and social markers, materially and symbolically walled. The streets become a territory in unequal dispute, where an ethics is urged, instead of practices of moralization and mortification.

Este trabajo presenta parte de los resultados de una investigación, cuyo objetivo fue mapear algunos de los efectos de estrategias higienistas-urbanísticas de la política de Guerra a las Drogas en la ciudad de Cuiabá, Mato Groso. Para ello, utiliza crónicas como narrativas de investigación para evidenciar como las políticas de guerra a las drogas producen prácticas de mortificación social en un proceso de selectividad penal. En el análisis, argumentamos que el uso de drogas nos lleva a una problemática central que se refiere al modo como cohabitamos en las ciudades. Ciudades fragmentadas, separadas por guetos y por marcadores sociales, muradas material y simbólicamente. Las calles se hacen un territorio en disputa desigual, donde urge una ética, al envés de prácticas de moralización y mortificación.

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BACKGROUND: For almost three decades, a U.S. government dataset has vetted and recorded all known cocaine trafficking events in the massive Western Hemisphere 'transit zone' (including Central America, the Caribbean, eastern Pacific, and Mexico) and tracked all cocaine seizures reported by counternarcotic forces there. This is the "cocaine module" of the Consolidated Counterdrug Database (CCDB), and by U.S. law it is the exclusive source for performance data on key aspects of the drug interdiction mission, one of the foundations of U.S. supply-side drug policy. Nevertheless, the dataset remains poorly known or used among drug policy researchers despite being unclassified. To make the existence and strengths of this dataset better known, this paper describes its provenance, ongoing production, and analytical utility. METHODS: The analysis draws on the archive of reports produced by the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an independent, non-partisan entity that has been tracking U.S. government agencies' drug war accounting for almost 50 years. The analysis also relies on third-party assessments of interdiction, and on correspondence with staff in the Office of National Drug Control Policy. RESULTS: The CCDB emerged in the 1990s following two decades of drug war failures in the transit zone. It is an "all source" product, which curates data from a variety of sources produced by the 26 U.S. agencies and 20 foreign partners involved in transit zone interdiction. There is a high threshold for inclusion of cocaine trafficking events into the CCDB; it therefore offers a highly reliable yet conservative representation of cocaine trafficking and counternarcotic response. Instances of CCDB data in the public record yield several insights: a) the volume of cocaine moving annually through the transit zone has for the past decade well exceeded 1,000 MT/year; b) cocaine seizures in the transit zone are greater than anywhere else, and significantly higher than indicated by the UNODC's World Drug Reports; c) interdiction appears to have little to no effect on cocaine prices in the U.S.; d) interdiction is highly "outcome-ineffective"; in FY2018, for example, the U.S. and partners intercepted only 6% of the cocaine trafficking events known to have occurred in the transit zone that year; e) traffickers respond quickly and constantly to interdiction by shifting their routes and transport strategies. CONCLUSION: The CCDB deserves greater attention from researchers as a high-quality dataset that: a) challenges the "unknowability" of illicit activities and underscores the need for better sharing of unclassified government data; b) opens up new ways of exploring drug enforcement policies and actions in transit areas; c) contradicts rosy assessments of drug interdiction effectiveness by unequivocally demonstrating interdiction's longstanding and persistent failure and thus the need for fundamentally different approaches.

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Sensationalistic media coverage has fueled stereotypes of the Mexican border city of Tijuana as a violent battleground of the global drug war. While the drug war shapes health and social harms in profoundly public ways, less visible are the experiences and practices of hope that forge communities of care and represent more private responses to this crisis. In this article, we draw on ethnographic fieldwork and photo elicitation with female sex workers who inject drugs and their intimate, non-commercial partners in Tijuana to examine the personal effects of the drug war. Drawing on a critical phenomenology framework, which links political economy with phenomenological concern for subjective experience, we explore the ways in which couples try to find hope amidst the horrors of the drug war. Critical visual scholarship may provide a powerful alternative to dominant media depictions of violence, and ultimately clarify why this drug war must end.

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Background: Ischaemic heart disease (IHD) ranks as the leading cause of death worldwide. Whereas much attention focuses on behavioural and lifestyle factors, less research examines the role of acute, ambient stressors. An unprecedented rise in homicides in Mexico over the past decade and the attendant media coverage and publicity have raised international concern regarding its potential health sequelae. We hypothesize that the rise in homicides in Mexico acts as an ecological threat to security and elevates the risk of both transient ischaemic events and myocardial infarctions, thereby increasing IHD deaths. Methods: We applied time-series methods to monthly counts of IHD deaths and homicides in Mexico for 156 months spanning January 2000 to December 2012. Methods controlled for strong temporal patterns in IHD deaths, the unemployment rate and changes in the population size at risk. Results: After controlling for trend and seasonality in IHD deaths, a 1-unit increase in the logged count of homicides coincides with a 7% increase in the odds of IHD death in that same month (95% confidence interval: 0.04 - 0.10). Inference remains robust to additional sensitivity checks, including a state-level fixed effects analysis. Conclusions: Our findings indicate that the elevated level of homicides in Mexico serves as a population-level stressor that acutely increases the risk of IHD death. This research adds to the growing literature documenting the role of ambient threats, or perceived threats, to security on cardiovascular health.

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Informal, coercive residential centers for the treatment of addiction are widespread and growing throughout Latin America. In Mexico these centers are called "anexos" and they are run and utilized by low-income individuals and families with problems related to drugs and alcohol. This article draws on findings from a 3-year anthropological study of anexos in Mexico City. Participant observation and in-depth interviews were used to describe and analyze anexos, their therapeutic practices, and residents' own accounts of addiction and recovery. Our findings indicate that poverty, addiction, and drug-related violence have fueled the proliferation of anexos They also suggest that anexos offer valuable health, social, and practical support, but risk exacerbating the suffering of residents through coercive rehabilitation techniques. Emphasizing this tension, this article considers the complex relationship between coercion and care, and poses fundamental questions about what drug recovery consists of in settings of poverty and violence.

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Over the last decade, there has been a sharp increase in drug addiction in Mexico, especially among the urban poor. During the same period, unregulated residential treatment centers for addiction, known as anexos, have proliferated throughout the country. These centers are utilized and run by marginalized populations and are widely known to engage in physical violence. Based on long-term ethnographic research in Mexico City, this article describes why anexos emerged, how they work, and what their prevalence and practices reveal about the nature of recovery in a context where poverty, drugs, and violence are existential realities. Drawing attention to the dynamic relationship between violence and recovery, pain, and healing, it complicates categories of violence and care that are presumed to have exclusive meaning, illuminating the divergent meanings of, and opportunities for, recovery, and how these are socially configured and sustained.

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