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INTRODUCTION: Reasons for using and stopping the use of e-cigarettes and their associations with transitions in nicotine product use are relatively unknown in countries with e-cigarette bans, such as Mexico. METHODS: Data comes from an open cohort of people who smoke in Mexico, surveyed every 4 months from November 2018 to November 2021. Those who smoked and used e-cigarettes at time t (n=904 individuals, 1653 observations) were categorised at 4-month follow-up (t+1): (1) continued 'dual use', (2) exclusive smoking, (3) exclusive use of e-cigarettes or neither product. For people who formerly used e-cigarettes at time t (n=332 individuals, 372 observations), follow-up categories were: (1) continued exclusive smoking; (2) re-initiated e-cigarette use. Multinomial and logistic models regressed follow-up status (ref=status at time t) on reasons for using or stopping e-cigarette use, respectively, at time t, adjusting for covariates. RESULTS: The most prevalent reasons for current e-cigarette use were 'they were less harmful to others' (40.5%) and 'enjoyable' (39.0%). Those who reported using e-cigarettes because they were less harmful to others (Adjusted Relative Risk Ratio (ARRR)=0.67), more enjoyable (ARRR=0.52), could help them to quit smoking (ARRR=0.65), or to control weight (ARRR=0.46) were less likely to return to exclusively smoking. Among people who formerly used e-cigarettes, lack of satisfaction was the primary reason for stopping e-cigarette use (32%) and those who reported this were less likely to start using e-cigarettes again at follow-up (Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR)=0.58). CONCLUSIONS: Specific reasons for using and stopping e-cigarettes predict changes in smoking and e-cigarette use, and targeting these beliefs could promote desired behaviour changes.

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How much do citizens value democracy? How willing are they to sacrifice their liberties and voting rights for growth, equality, or other social outcomes? We design a conjoint experiment in nationally representative surveys in Brazil, France, and the United States in which respondents choose between different societies that randomly vary in their economic outcomes (country income, income inequality, social mobility), political outcomes (democracy, public health insurance), and the level of personal income for each respondent. Our research allows us to estimate the respondents' willingness to trade off democracy for individual income (as well as other societal attributes). We find that, on average, individuals are strongly attached to democracy and a robust welfare state. They prefer to live in a country without free democratic elections only if their individual income multiplies by at least three times and in a country without public health insurance only if their individual income more than doubles. After estimating these preferences at the individual level for all respondents, we show that, although there is an authoritarian minority in all three countries, forming a nondemocratic majority (by offering more income and/or other goods to respondents) is very unlikely. Our findings imply that, contrary to a growing discussion about the crisis of democracy, liberal democratic values remain substantially robust in high and middle income democracies.

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Deaths attributable to unhealthful eating underscore the need to improve dietary patterns through upstream, policy-led solutions. The approval and successful implementation of food policies is partly determined by their public acceptance. Little is known about public support for food policies in Mexico. We aimed to investigate the level of public support for 30 food policies, grouped into 5 domains, and their associated characteristics among Mexican adults. Data are from the 2017-2021 International Food Policy Study (IFPS), a cross-sectional web-based survey of adults. Differences in public support across years were estimated using linear regression models. The association between demographic characteristics and policy support was analyzed using multivariate logistic regression models. The highest mean support was for the subsidies and benefits domain, followed by the labelling and reformulation domain. The level of support varied across years and policy domains. Support was higher in 2019 compared to 2017 and 2018, and subsequently lower in 2020 and 2021 compared to previous years. Older age was associated with greater support across all domains (OR ranged from 0.002 to 0.004, p < 0.01). Female participants and those selfidentifying as indigenous showed greater support for certain policy domains, whereas higher income adequacy was associated with lower support for other policy domains. In Mexico, support for food policies varies across subpopulations. Our findings may serve as a guide to the development and promotion of food policies in Mexico, as well as to improve their feasibility and success.

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Resumen Antecedentes: El misoprostol es un medicamento de fácil acceso con el que se puede tener un aborto seguro. Objetivo: Explorar los conocimientos sobre la situación legal del aborto en el Estado de Aguascalientes, en donde el aborto está penalizado, así como los conocimientos y opiniones sobre el misoprostol. Método: Se aplicó un cuestionario en línea a 208 adultos. Resultados: La mayoría de las participantes no conocía la situación legal del aborto ni del Estado de Aguascalientes ni del país. Cerca de la mitad conocía el misoprostol, y sus principales fuentes de información fueron Internet y redes sociales. Aproximadamente la mitad de estos participantes no supo qué complicaciones puede ocasionar que requieran atención médica. Conclusión: El conocimiento sobre la situación legal del aborto y sobre el uso del misoprostol como método abortivo es limitado. Existe consciencia de la importancia de la supervisión médica cuando se usa, aunque esta se dificulta debido a la ilegalidad del aborto en Aguascalientes.

Abstract Background: Misoprostol is an easily accessible medication with which to have a safe abortion. Objective: To explore knowledge about the legal situation of abortion in the state of Aguascalientes, where abortion is criminalized, as well as knowledge and opinions about misoprostol. Method: An online questionnaire was administered to 208 adults. Results: Most of the participants did not know the legal situation of abortion neither in the state of Aguascalientes nor in the country. Almost half of them knew about misoprostol, and their main sources of information were the Internet and social networks. About half of these participants did not know which are the complications that misoprostol may cause that require medical attention. Conclusion: Knowledge about the legal situation of abortion and about the use of misoprostol as an abortion method is limited. There is awareness of the importance of medical supervision when misoprostol is used, but obtaining this supervision is difficult due to the illegality of abortion in Aguascalientes.

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An analytical observational study was conducted to investigate the association between knowledge of COVID-19 in the general population of Mexico and sociodemographic variables of interest. A total of 758 adults between 18 and 74 years old (M = 37.3 SD = 12.6), of which 88.9% had higher education and 33.2% were health care workers, participated in an online questionnaire assessing disease knowledge and the COVID-5 item Fear Scale, which was adapted by the research team. The proportion of individuals with high knowledge about COVID-19 was found to be 41.0%. Participants with higher education and healthcare professionals demonstrated higher knowledge scores in comparison to those with primary and secondary education, as well as non-healthcare professionals (PR=1.25, 95%CI 1.05-1.48). In conclusion, that people with higher education and healthcare workers exhibited better knowledge scores regarding the disease, while high knowledge about COVID-19 was only associated with being a health professional.

Se realizó un estudio observacional analítico con el objetivo de explorar la asociación entre el conocimiento que tiene la población general de México sobre COVID-19 y las variables sociodemográficas de interés. Un total de 758 adultos entre 18 y 74 años (M=37,3 DE=12,6), 88,9% con educación superior y 33,2% trabajadores de la salud, diligenciaron un cuestionario en línea sobre conocimientos la enfermedad y la Escala de Temor a COVID-5, adaptada por el equipo de investigación. La proporción de conocimientos altos sobre COVID-19 fue del 41,0%. Las personas con educación superior y los profesionales de la salud presentaron puntajes de conocimientos altos en comparación con los que tenían primaria y secundaria y con los que no pertenecían al gremio de la salud RP = 1,25 IC 95% (1,05 - 1,48). Se concluye que las personas con escolaridad superior y los profesionales de la salud tienen mejores puntajes de conocimientos sobre la enfermedad, mientras que el conocimiento alto sobre COVID-19 solo se asoció con ser profesional de la salud.

Foi realizado um estudo observacional analítico com o objetivo de explorar a associação entre o conhecimento que tem a população geral de México sobre COVID-19 e as variáveis sociodemográficas de interesse. Um total de 758 adultos entre 18 e 74 anos (M=37,3 DE=12,6), 88,9% com ensino superior e 33,2% trabalhadores da saúde, responderam um questionário on-line sobre conhecimentos a doença e a Escala de Temor a COVID-5, adaptada pela equipe de pesquisa. A proporção de conhecimentos altos sobre COVID-19 foi do 41,0%. As pessoas com educação superior e os profissionais da saúde apresentaram pontuação de conhecimentos altos em comparação com os que tinham ensino básico e ensino médio e com os que não pertenciam aos profissionais da saúde RP = 1,25 IC 95% (1,05 - 1,48). Concluise que as pessoas com educação superior e os profissionais da saúde têm melhor pontuação de conhecimentos sobre a doença, enquanto que o conhecimento alto sobre COVID-19 só se associou com ser professional da saúde.

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Baseando-se nos conceitos de "desordens informativas" propostos por Claire Wardle e Hossein Derakhshan, este trabalho propõe-se a observar o fenômeno de hesitação vacinal e a opinião pública em relação à vacina CoronaVac contra a covid-19, a partir da análise de falas públicas do presidente Jair Bolsonaro sobre esse imunizante produzido pelo Instituto Butantan em parceria com a biofarmacêutica chinesa Sinovac. As falas em questão foram proferidas no período de julho de 2020 a janeiro de 2021. Através de uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, com finalidades exploratórias e descritivas, o trabalho analisou o conteúdo de dez pronunciamentos do então presidente sobre as vacinas no contexto do primeiro ano da pandemia de covid-19 no Brasil e observou desordens informativas dos seguintes tipos: má informação (17,6%), informação incorreta (47,1%) e desinformação (35,3%) em todas as falas. As desordens informativas propagadas contribuíram para os sentimentos de desconfiança e as posturas coletivas de hesitação vacinal relacionadas à covid-19, principalmente em relação à CoronaVac

Using the concepts of "informational disorder" proposed by Claire Wardle and Hossein Derakhshan, this paper observes the phenomenon of vaccine hesitancy and the public opinion towards the CoronaVac vaccine against covid-19, from the analysis of public speeches by President Jair Bolsonaro about this immunizer produced by Instituto Butantan in partnership with the Chinese biopharmaceutical company Sinovac. The speeches in question were delivered in the period from July 2020 to January 2021. Through a qualitative approach research, with exploratory and descriptive purposes, the work analyzed the content of ten pronouncements of the president about vaccines in the context of the first year of the covid-19 pandemic in Brazil and observed informational disorders of the following types: bad information (17.6%), incorrect information (47.1%) and misinformation (35.3%) in all speeches. The propagated informational disorders contributed to feelings of distrust and collective postures of vaccine hesitancy related to covid-19, especially in relation to CoronaVac

Utilizando los conceptos de "desórdenes informativos" propuestos por Claire Wardle y Hossein Derakhshan, este trabajo observa el fenómeno de la vacilación a la vacunación y la opinión pública hacia la vacuna CoronaVac contra el covid-19, a partir del análisis de los discursos públicos del presidente Jair Bolsonaro sobre este inmunizante producido por el Instituto Butantan en asociación con la biofarmacéutica china Sinovac. Los discursos en cuestión se pronunciaron en el periodo comprendido entre julio de 2020 y enero de 2021. A través de una investigación de abordaje cualitativo, con fines exploratorios y descriptivos, el trabajo analizó el contenido de diez pronunciamientos del presidente sobre vacunas en el contexto del primer año de la pandemia de covid-19 en Brasil y observó trastornos informativos de los siguientes tipos: mala información (17,6%), información incorrecta (47,1%) y desinformación (35,3%) en todos los discursos. Los trastornos informativos propagados contribuyeron a los sentimientos de desconfianza y a las posturas colectivas de indecisión vacunal relacionadas con el covid-19, especialmente en relación con CoronaVac

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The 2019 social outburst in Chile marked a significant turning point for the nation's politics and society, with widespread reports of human rights violations committed by the armed forces and the Police during demonstrations and riots. Despite the attention given to these events, few studies have systematically analyzed perceptions of human rights violations in such contentious contexts. To investigate the factors influencing perceptions of human rights violations during the 2019 Chilean social outburst, we conducted ordered logistic regressions using data from a nationally representative survey fielded during the unrest. Our findings reveal that participation in demonstrations, use of social media for political information, fear of crime, and proximity to violent protests are correlated with the perception that security forces frequently violated human rights during the outburst. These results contribute to the understanding of public perceptions of human rights violations in the context of the 2019 Chilean social outburst and provide insights for future research on the role of individual and contextual factors in shaping these perceptions.

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Disaster corruption is a vexing problem, damaging state legitimacy and exacerbating human suffering. Mexico has a history of both major disasters and persistently high levels of corruption. A magnitude 7.1 earthquake in 2017 provided an opportunity to study change over time in expectations and tolerance of corruption in disaster relief. Twenty years earlier, Mexico City residents expected, on average, essentially three out of 10 hypothetical trucks loaded with humanitarian assistance to be lost to corruption but expressed near zero tolerance of such conduct. By 2018-19, Mexico City residents expected more than one-half of all relief, six out of 10 trucks, to be stolen, and could tolerate three out of 10 trucks being pilfered. Similar results were found at the national level. Hence, Mexicans appear to be giving up on the state. Addressing corruption in disaster risk reduction and humanitarian relief specifically might provide a template for improving public trust across other state institutions.

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BACKGROUND: The population's adherence to COVID-19 preventive measures is influenced by their knowledge, attitudes, and practices (KAP) towards the disease, making research into people's awareness of the disease essential. The present survey was designed to assess KAP towards COVID-19 among the population of the state of São Paulo, Brazil. METHODS: An online questionnaire was disseminated via social media between September 14 and October 5, 2020. The intended population was Brazilians over the age of 18, living in the state of São Paulo. RESULTS: A total of 1,111 individuals completed the questionnaire. The majority were women (71.6%), 31.6% were aged 31-40 years old, and 82.8% had higher education. Among the participants, 17.5% reported that they had taken some medication without a medical prescription to prevent COVID-19. The participants showed good knowledge about the transmission and prevention of the disease. The knowledge mean score was lower among participants with complete high school or less, with poor self-perception of their health status, who almost never seek information about COVID-19, and those who are not sure to belong to a risk group for the disease. Only 51.3% of the participants believed that COVID-19 would finally be successfully controlled, and 56.6% were confident that Brazil could win the battle against the virus. CONCLUSIONS: Participants demonstrated good knowledge of COVID-19 but were pessimistic about the pandemic's future. The findings of this study can help in the development of effective health communication strategies to promote better knowledge and a positive attitude about prevention measures.

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Resumo O artigo apresenta resultados de pesquisas sobre percepção pública da ciência na pandemia no Brasil, realizadas no Centro de Estudos SoU_Ciência, sediado na Universidade Federal de São Paulo (Unifesp). Com o intuito de responder à pergunta: "A pandemia da COVID-19 alterou a percepção da sociedade brasileira sobre ciência, cientistas e universidades?", realizamos estudos quantitativos e qualitativos entre agosto/2021 e julho/2022. Em levantamentos quantitativos nacionais de opinião pública, coletamos dados exclusivos de série histórica de enquetes sobre o tema no Brasil, e em grupos focais, aprofundamos estudos sobre percepção e posicionamento político de diferentes segmentos sociais. Em meio ao quadro de crescimento do negacionismo científico, retrocessos políticos e sociais, desmonte de políticas públicas, especificamente científicas e tecnológicas, decorrentes do impeachment de 2016 e da eleição de Bolsonaro em 2018, as pesquisas indicam, aparentemente contrariando a tendência política obscurantista, uma expressiva ampliação do interesse público pela ciência na pandemia no país. Este trabalho analisa a emergência de uma "onda pró-ciência" na opinião pública no Brasil, os fatores que propiciaram seu surgimento na pandemia e suas perspectivas na atualidade.

Abstract This article presents the results of our study on the public perception of science during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil, carried out at the Centro de Estudos SoU_Ciência, from Universidade Federal de São Paulo (UNIFESP). To answer the question: "Has the COVID-19 pandemic changed the perception of Brazilian society about science, scientists, and universities?", quantitative and qualitative studies were conducted between August 2021 and July 2022. In national quantitative public opinion surveys, we collected exclusive data from a historical series of polls on the subject in Brazil, and in focus groups, we deepened studies on the perception and political position of different social segments. Amid the growth of scientific denialism; political and social setbacks; and the dismantling of public policies, specifically scientific and technological, resulting from the impeachment of 2016 and the election of Bolsonaro in 2018, research indicates, apparently contrary to an obscurantist political tendency, a significant expansion of public interest in science during the pandemic in the country. This paper analyzes the emergence of a "pro-science wave" in public opinion in Brazil, the factors that led to its emergence during the pandemic, and its current prospects.