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Understanding beliefs about corporal punishment is crucial, as evidence suggests that positive beliefs in its effectiveness predict its use. High parental stress, especially in those valuing corporal punishment, increases the potential for child abuse. Factors such as having many children or low education and socioeconomic status contribute to parental tensions, leading to the use of corporal punishment for behavior correction. We posit that the accumulation of such variables results in heightened stress levels. Our focus aimed to determine the moderating role of stress levels among parental beliefs about corporal punishment and its reported use through quantitative research. In our study, 853 Colombian parents of low, middle, and high socioeconomic status, and from four different regions of Colombia, with children aged 0 to 17 participated. They provided information about their beliefs on corporal punishment, using the Beliefs and Punishment Scale. Correlations indicated that older parents with better socioeconomic status were less inclined to believe that strictness improves children. Regressions suggested that increased belief in corporal punishment modifying behavior, along with higher parental stress, increases corporal punishment use. Moderation models highlighted that when more stressors were present, corporal punishment was used due to stress rather than parental beliefs. Ultimately, stress emerged as a crucial factor influencing corporal punishment use among Colombian parents.

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Childrearing practices in the Caribbean and other postcolonial states have long been associated with corporal punishment and are influenced by expectations of children for respectfulness and obedience. Evidence across settings shows that physical punishment of young children is both ineffective and detrimental. Saving Brains Grenada (SBG) implemented a pilot study of an intervention based on the Conscious Discipline curriculum that aimed to build adult caregivers' skills around non-violent child discipline. We hypothesized that attitudes towards corporal punishment would shift to be negative as adults learned more positive discipline methods, and that child neurodevelopment would correspondingly improve. This report reviews the impact of monitoring and evaluation on the design and implementation of the intervention. Study 1 presents findings from the pilot study. Despite positive gains in neurodevelopmental outcomes among children in the intervention compared to controls, attitudes towards corporal punishment and reported use of it did not change. Additionally, several internal conflicts in the measures used to assess corporal punishment behaviors and attitudes were identified. Study 2 is a response to learning from Study 1 and highlights the importance for monitoring and evaluation to be data-informed, adaptive, and culturally appropriate. In Study 2, the SBG research team conducted cognitive interviews and group discussions with stakeholders to assess the content and comprehensibility of the Attitudes Towards Corporal Punishment Scale (ACP). This yielded insights into the measurement of attitudes towards corporal punishment and related parenting behavior, and prompted several revisions to the ACP. To accurately evaluate the intervention's theory of change and its goal to reduce violence against children, reliable and appropriate measures of attitudes towards corporal punishment and punishment behaviors are needed. Together, these two studies emphasize the value of continuous monitoring, evaluation, and learning in the implementation, adaptation, evaluation, and scaling of SBG and similar early childhood development interventions.

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BACKGROUND: Violence against children (VAC) is a global public health problem, and parenting programmes are a key strategy to reduce VAC at home. We developed and evaluated a preschool-based, early childhood, violence prevention, parenting programme (the Irie Homes Toolbox) in Jamaica and reported significant reductions in parents' use of VAC [Effect size (ES) = -0.29] and increases in parents' positive practices (ES = 0.30). This study presents qualitative findings on the mechanisms of action of the programme. METHODS: As part of a cluster randomized trial, 115 parents from nine preschools participated in the Irie Homes Toolbox parenting programme. The programme consisted of eight 90-min sessions with groups of six parents and focussed on strengthening parent-child relationships, understanding children's behaviour, using appropriate discipline strategies and understanding and managing emotions. We conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with a stratified random sample of 28 parents (two to four parents per school) and with nine preschool teachers (one teacher per preschool). Topic guides were developed to explore participants' perspectives of the mechanisms of action of the programme. All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed, and data were analysed using the framework approach. RESULTS: The most salient direct pathways to reduced VAC by both parent and teacher reports were through parents' use of alternative strategies to manage child misbehaviour and through improved parent well-being, especially parents' self-management skills. Other factors leading to reduced VAC by parents, reported by both parents and teachers, included self-identification as an 'Irie parent', use of proactive parenting strategies and improved child behaviour. Parents reported that the main factors leading to continued use of VAC were their inconsistency in using positive discipline strategies and poor emotional self-regulation. CONCLUSION: Reports from participating parents and preschool teachers indicate that contents related to parental self-management and how to use positive discipline strategies to manage child misbehaviour were important factors on the pathway to reduced VAC.

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Many young children in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are at risk of developmental delays. Early child development (ECD) interventions have been shown to improve outcomes, but few interventions have targeted culturally normative violence such as corporal punishment (CP). We partnered with an existing community-based ECD organization in the LMIC of Grenada to implement a parallel controlled-trial single-blind responsive caregiving intervention that educates parents about the developing brain and teaches alternatives to corporal punishment while building parental self-regulation skills and strengthening social-emotional connections between parent and child. Parents and primary caregivers with children under age two were eligible. Allocation to the intervention and waitlist control arms was unblinded and determined by recruitment into the program. Neurodevelopment was assessed by blinded testers when each child turned age two. Primary comparison consisted of neurodevelopmental scores between the intervention and waitlist control groups (Clinicaltrials.gov registration # NCT04697134). Secondary comparison consisted of changes in maternal mental health, home environment, and attitudes towards CP. Children in the intervention group (n = 153) had significantly higher scores than children in the control group (n = 151) on measures of cognition (p = .022), fine motor (p < .0001), gross motor (p = .015), and language development (p = .013). No difference in secondary outcomes, including CP, was detected.

Muchos niños en países de renta media y baja corren el riesgo de sufrir retrasos en el desarrollo. Las intervenciones en periodos tempranos del desarrollo infantil pueden mejorar sus resultados, pero pocas de ellas abordan la violencia culturalmente normativa, como el castigo corporal. En asociación con una organización comunitaria que trabajaba en el ámbito del desarrollo infantil temprano en Granada se llevó a cabo una intervención paralela de parentalidad responsiva mediante un ensayo controlado de simple-ciego con el fin de educar a los padres sobre el cerebro en desarrollo y alternativas al castigo corporal, a la vez que les enseñaban destrezas de autorregulación y se fortalecían los vínculos socioemocionales entre padres e hijos. Para ello se eligieron padres y cuidadores primarios de niños menores de dos años. La asignación a los grupos de intervención y lista de espera de control no fue ciega, estando determinada por el reclutamiento al programa. El desarrollo neurológico fue evaluado a ciegas cuando el niño cumplía dos años. La comparación primaria constaba de puntuaciones en neurodesarrollo entre los grupos intervención y lista de espera de control (Clinicaltrials.gov registration # NCT04697134). La comparación secundaria constaba de cambios en la salud mental materna, entorno del hogar y actitudes hacia el castigo corporal. Los niños en el grupo de intervención (n = 153) tenían puntuaciones significativamente superiores a las de los niños del grupo control (n = 151) en las medidas de cognición (p = .022), motricidad fina (p < .0001), motricidad gruesa (p = .015) y desarrollo del lenguaje (p = .013). No se encontraron diferencias en los resultados secundarios, entre los que se incluía el castigo corporal.

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BACKGROUND: The COVID-19 pandemic could increase violence against children at home. However, collecting empirical data on violence is challenging due to ethical, safety, and data quality concerns. OBJECTIVE: This study estimated the anticipated effect of COVID-19 on violent discipline at home using multivariable predictive regression models. PARTICIPANTS: Children aged 1-14 years and household members from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted in Nigeria, Mongolia, and Suriname before the COVID-19 pandemic were included. METHODS: A conceptual model of how the COVID-19 pandemic could affect risk factors for violent discipline was developed. Country specific multivariable linear models were used to estimate the association between selected variables from MICS and a violent discipline score which captured the average combination of violent disciplinary methods used in the home. A review of the literature informed the development of quantitative assumptions about how COVID-19 would impact the selected variables under a "high restrictions" pandemic scenario, approximating conditions expected during a period of intense response measures, and a "lower restrictions" scenario with easing of COVID-19 restrictions but with sustained economic impacts. These assumptions were used to estimate changes in violent discipline scores. RESULTS: Under a "high restrictions" scenario there would be a 35%-46% increase in violent discipline scores in Nigeria, Mongolia and Suriname, and under a "lower restrictions" scenario there would be between a 4%-6% increase in violent discipline scores in these countries. CONCLUSION: Policy makers need to plan for increases in violent discipline during successive waves of lockdowns.

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Existing research has suggested children of caregivers with histories of exposure to trauma are at heightened risk for victimization, but few studies have explored potential mechanisms that explain this intergenerational transmission of risk. With data from peri-urban households in Lima, Peru (N = 402), this study analyzes parenting behaviors in the relation between caregivers' trauma history and child victimization for children aged 4-17. Results indicated caregivers' trauma history and negative parenting behaviors related to child victimization, and negative parenting behaviors mediated this relation. Positive parenting behaviors did not have significant direct effects and were not mediators of risk transmission. Parenting behaviors did not moderate the relation between caregiver and child victimization, suggesting parenting behaviors may not buffer or exacerbate intergenerational transmission. Post-hoc analyses revealed family type (e.g., single, cohabitating/married) exerted significant direct and moderating effects on child risk, interacting with positive parenting. Families with married/cohabitating caregivers reported overall lower levels of child victimization; however, the relation between positive parenting and victimization was slightly stronger for children in single-parent families. Results highlight potential pathways of the intergenerational cycle of victimization and suggest high-risk families in Peru may benefit from parenting supports, especially pertaining to remediation of negative parenting behaviors.

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We study the relationship between harsh parenting strategies, including psychological and physical aggressions that do not constitute abuse, on early childhood cognitive and socio-emotional development. We estimate a value-added model that controls for a rich set of child, mother, and family characteristics, from a nationally representative sample of Chilean children aged 52-83 months. We find harsh parenting is significantly associated with lower verbal skills (Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test) of a magnitude of 0.06 standard deviations, and with increased behavioral problems (Child Behavior Check List), by 0.11 standard deviations, including internalization, externalization, and sleep problems. We also find that the more systematic (persistent) harsh parenting is, the stronger the association; the association is similar for boys and girls; reaches its peak at about 5 years of age; and it is stronger for children with less educated mothers.

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This study investigated the effect of a school-based violence prevention programme implemented in Grade 1 classrooms in Jamaican primary schools. Fourteen primary schools were randomly assigned to receive training in classroom behaviour management (n = 7 schools, 27 teachers/classrooms) or to a control group (n = 7 schools, 28 teachers/classrooms). Four children from each class were randomly selected to participate in the evaluation (n = 220 children). Teachers were trained through a combination of workshop and in-class support sessions, and received a mean of 11.5 h of training (range = 3-20) over 8 months. The primary outcomes were observations of (1) teachers' use of violence against children and (2) class-wide child aggression. Teachers in intervention schools used significantly less violence against children (effect size (ES) = -0.73); benefits to class-wide child aggression were not significant (ES = -0.20). Intervention teachers also provided a more emotionally supportive classroom environment (ES = 1.22). No benefits were found to class-wide prosocial behaviour, teacher wellbeing, or child mental health. The intervention benefited children's early learning skills, especially oral language and self-regulation skills (ES = 0.25), although no benefits were found to achievement in maths calculation, reading and spelling. A relatively brief teacher-training programme reduced violence against children by teachers and increased the quality of the classroom environment.

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BACKGROUND: With lingering effects from more than 50 years of war, young children in Colombia are exposed to multiple risk factors such as poverty, civil conflict, and domestic violence. In addition to these environmental stressors, public and legal support for corporal punishment remains high, which is shown by the high prevalence of young children exposed to corporal punishment in Colombia. OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to identify individual, family, and municipality-level predictors of corporal punishment (i.e., hitting with objects and spanking) in Colombia in order to inform prevention and intervention strategies. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: We use information gathered in 2015 from a representative sample of 11,759 mothers of children younger than five in Colombia. METHODS: We employed multi-level models to account for the clustering of families in 217 municipalities. RESULTS: Results show that mothers' prior exposure to corporal punishment by their own parents (ß=0.229;p<0.01), attitudes towards domestic violence ß=0.013;p<0.05, municipality homicide rates ß=0.028;p<0.05 and presence of armed groups ß=0.031;p<0.05, household poverty ß=0.030;p<0.01 and poverty of the municipality ß=0.022;p<0.05 predicted mothers' hitting their young children with an object. However, family ß=-0.028;p<0.05 and municipality poverty ß=-0.016;p<0.05 had a negative association with mothers' use of spanking. CONCLUSIONS: These findings suggest that both family and neighborhood level factors have simultaneous associations with parents' use of corporal punishment. Given the accumulating evidence concerning the adverse effects of corporal punishment on child well-being and development, legislative efforts aimed at reducing and ultimately banning corporal punishment are warranted.

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One of the primary means of communicating with a baby is through touch. Nurturing physical touch promotes healthy physiological development in social mammals, including humans. Physiology influences wellbeing and psychosocial functioning. The purpose of this paper is to explore the connections among early life positive and negative touch and wellbeing and sociomoral development. In study 1, mothers of preschoolers (n = 156) reported their attitudes toward positive/negative touch and on their children's wellbeing and sociomoral outcomes, illustrating moderate to strong positive correlations between positive touch attitudes and children's sociomoral capacities and orientations and negative correlations with psychopathology. In study 2, we used an existing longitudinal dataset, with at-risk mothers (n = 682) and their children to test touch effects on moral capacities and social behaviors in early life. Results demonstrated moderate to strong relationships between positive/negative touch and concurrent child behavioral regulation and positive correlations between low corporal punishment and child sociomoral outcomes. In a third study with adults (n = 607), we found significant mediation processes connecting retrospective reports of childhood touch to adult moral orientation through attachment security, mental health, and moral capacities. In general across studies, more affectionate touch and less punishing touch were positively associated with wellbeing and development of moral capacities and engaged moral orientation.