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The Upper Rio Negro regional social system is made up of more than 30 languages belonging to six linguistic families. This results from socio-historical processes stretching back at least two millennia, which have built a system with different levels of autonomy and hierarchy associated with a mythical and ritual complex, and with social and linguistic exchanges. The analysis of these processes require an interdisciplinary outlook to understand the ways in which people from different linguistic families interacted and created it. More specifically, we ask how linguistic and cultural diversity have been created in the context of intense relations of multilingualism and inter-ethnic contact. To this end, we integrate perspectives from historical linguistics (regarding languages from the Tukanoan, Arawakan and Naduhup families) with archaeological data from the Amazonian past. Through this multidisciplinary approach, we seek to develop a linguistic-anthropological understanding of the dynamics shaping the region's diversity and inter-ethnic relations. We show that processes creating diversity are interrelated with changes in social histories, and are especially tied to the establishment of new forms of social organization as a result of pre-colonial inter-ethnic relations. This has led to the construction of various local multilingual ecologies connected to macro-regional processes in Amazonia.

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Potato virus V (PVV) causes a disease of potato (Solanum tubersosum) in South and Central America, Europe, and the Middle East. We report here the complete genomic sequences of 42 new PVV isolates from the potato's Andean domestication center in Peru and of eight historical or recent isolates from Europe. When the principal open reading frames of these genomic sequences together with those of nine previously published genomic sequences were analyzed, only two from Peru and one from Iran were found to be recombinant. The phylogeny of the 56 nonrecombinant open reading frame sequences showed that the PVV population had two major phylogroups, one of which formed three minor phylogroups (A1 to A3) of isolates, all of which are found only in the Andean region of South America (Peru and Colombia), and the other formed two minor phylogroups, a basal one of Andean isolates (A4) that is paraphyletic to a crown cluster containing all the isolates found outside South America (World). This suggests that PVV originated in the Andean region, with only one minor phylogroup spreading elsewhere in the world. In minor phylogroups A1 and A3, there were two subclades on long branches containing isolates from S. phureja evolving more rapidly than the others, and these interfered with dating calculations. Although no temporal signal was directly detected among the dated nonrecombinant sequences, PVV and potato virus Y (PVY) are from the same potyvirus lineage and are ecologically similar, so "subtree dating" was done via a single maximum likelihood phylogeny of PVV and PVY sequences, and PVY's well-supported 157 ce "time to most common recent ancestor" was extrapolated to date that of PVV as 29 bce. Thus the independent historical coincidences supporting the datings of the PVV and PVY phylogenies are the same; PVV arose ≥2,000 years ago in the Andes and was taken to Europe during the Columbian Exchange, where it diversified around 1853 ce, soon after the European potato late blight pandemic. PVV is likely to be more widespread than currently realized and is of biosecurity relevance for world regions that have not yet recorded its presence.[Formula: see text] Copyright © 2022 The Author(s). This is an open access article distributed under the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 International license.

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Potato virus X (PVX) occurs worldwide and causes an important potato disease. Complete PVX genomes were obtained from 326 new isolates from Peru, which is within the potato crop's main domestication center, 10 from historical PVX isolates from the Andes (Bolivia, Peru) or Europe (UK), and three from Africa (Burundi). Concatenated open reading frames (ORFs) from these genomes plus 49 published genomic sequences were analyzed. Only 18 of them were recombinants, 17 of them Peruvian. A phylogeny of the non-recombinant sequences found two major (I, II) and five minor (I-1, I-2, II-1, II-2, II-3) phylogroups, which included 12 statistically supported clusters. Analysis of 488 coat protein (CP) gene sequences, including 128 published previously, gave a completely congruent phylogeny. Among the minor phylogroups, I-2 and II-3 only contained Andean isolates, I-1 and II-2 were of both Andean and other isolates, but all of the three II-1 isolates were European. I-1, I-2, II-1 and II-2 all contained biologically typed isolates. Population genetic and dating analyses indicated that PVX emerged after potato's domestication 9000 years ago and was transported to Europe after the 15th century. Major clusters A-D probably resulted from expansions that occurred soon after the potato late-blight pandemic of the mid-19th century. Genetic comparisons of the PVX populations of different Peruvian Departments found similarities between those linked by local transport of seed potato tubers for summer rain-watered highland crops, and those linked to winter-irrigated crops in nearby coastal Departments. Comparisons also showed that, although the Andean PVX population was diverse and evolving neutrally, its spread to Europe and then elsewhere involved population expansion. PVX forms a basal Potexvirus genus lineage but its immediate progenitor is unknown. Establishing whether PVX's entirely Andean phylogroups I-2 and II-3 and its Andean recombinants threaten potato production elsewhere requires future biological studies.

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Forty-seven potato virus A (PVA) isolates from Europe, Australia, and South America's Andean region were subjected to high-throughput sequencing, and 46 complete genomes from Europe (n = 9), Australia (n = 2), and the Andes (n = 35) obtained. These and 17 other genomes gave alignments of 63 open reading frames 9,180 nucleotides long; 9 were recombinants. The nonrecombinants formed three tightly clustered, almost equidistant phylogroups; A comprised 14 Peruvian potato isolates; W comprised 37 from potato in Peru, Argentina, and elsewhere in the world; and T contained three from tamarillo in New Zealand. When five isolates were inoculated to a potato cultivar differential, three strain groups (= pathotypes) unrelated to phylogenetic groupings were recognized. No temporal signal was detected among the dated nonrecombinant sequences, but PVA and potato virus Y (PVY) are from related lineages and ecologically similar; therefore, "relative dating" was obtained using a single maximum-likelihood phylogeny of PVA and PVY sequences and PVY's well-supported 157 CE "time to most common recent ancestor". The PVA datings obtained were supported by several independent historical coincidences. The PVA and PVY populations apparently arose in the Andes approximately 18 centuries ago, and were taken to Europe during the Columbian Exchange, radiating there after the mid-19th century potato late blight pandemic. PVA's phylogroup A population diverged more recently in the Andean region, probably after new cultivars were bred locally using newly introduced Solanum tuberosum subsp. tuberosum as a parent. Such cultivars became widely grown, and apparently generated the A × W phylogroup recombinants. Phylogroup A, and its interphylogroup recombinants, might pose a biosecurity risk.[Formula: see text] Copyright © 2021 The Author(s). This is an open access article distributed under the CC BY 4.0 International license.

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Studies of Native South American genetic diversity have helped to shed light on the peopling and differentiation of the continent, but available data are sparse for the major ecogeographic domains. These include the Pacific Coast, a potential early migration route; the Andes, home to the most expansive complex societies and to one of the most widely spoken indigenous language families of the continent (Quechua); and Amazonia, with its understudied population structure and rich cultural diversity. Here, we explore the genetic structure of 176 individuals from these three domains, genotyped with the Affymetrix Human Origins array. We infer multiple sources of ancestry within the Native American ancestry component; one with clear predominance on the Coast and in the Andes, and at least two distinct substrates in neighboring Amazonia, including a previously undetected ancestry characteristic of northern Ecuador and Colombia. Amazonian populations are also involved in recent gene-flow with each other and across ecogeographic domains, which does not accord with the traditional view of small, isolated groups. Long-distance genetic connections between speakers of the same language family suggest that indigenous languages here were spread not by cultural contact alone. Finally, Native American populations admixed with post-Columbian European and African sources at different times, with few cases of prolonged isolation. With our results we emphasize the importance of including understudied regions of the continent in high-resolution genetic studies, and we illustrate the potential of SNP chip arrays for informative regional-scale analysis.

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OBJECTIVES: The timing and dietary role of maize agriculture is central to archaeological discussions in the Andean region. In the semi-arid region of northern Chile (SARNC), archaeological models propose that maize was adopted during the Early Ceramic period in tandem with pottery and sedentism. Through stable isotope (SI) analyses, of bone collagen and apatite, this study assesses the timing of maize introduction, diachronic changes (2,000 BCE to 1,540 CE.), and synchronic dietary variability in the prehistoric SARNC. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Fifty-two prehistoric individuals from SARNC were analyzed for δ13 Cap , δ13 Ccol, and δ15 N. Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the results by period and location (inland and coast). Between-periods (ANOVA or Kruskal-Wallis tests), and synchronic comparisons (inland vs. coast; Student's t-tests), were conducted. A SIAR model was run to further evaluate dietary changes. Dietary interpretations are based on food web data. RESULTS: Coastal groups show significant changes in the diet during the Middle (900-1,000CE; enrichment in δ13 C), and Late Intermediate periods (100-1450CE; when the Δ13 Cap-col is above 5.2‰). In the inland, significant changes in SI occurred in the Late Intermediate period (δ13 C enrichment). In the Late period, the inland diet became enriched for δ15 N. Synchronic comparisons showed coastal individuals to have higher δ15 N. DISCUSSION: The popularization of maize in the SARNC was not associated with the appearance of pottery and/or sedentism, and its role as a dietary staple was a late phenomenon (c.a. 1,000CE). The results obtained in this study show that the adoption and consumption of maize varied dramatically in the Southern Andes.

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ABSTRACT The origin and dispersion of the first Americans have been extensively investigated from morphological and genetic perspectives, but few studies have focused on their health and lifestyle. The archaeological site of Lapa do Santo, central-eastern Brazil, has exceptionally preserved Early Holocene human skeletons, providing 19 individuals with 327 permanent and 122 deciduous teeth dated to 9,250 to 7,500 years BP. In this study, we test whether the inhabitants of Lapa do Santo had high prevalence of dental caries as previous studies of Lagoa Santa collection have indicated, using individual and tooth as units of analyses. The results show a high prevalence of dental caries in the permanent dentition (5.50%, n=327 teeth; 69.23%, n=13 individuals) compared to other samples of hunter-gatherers worldwide. In addition, dental caries in deciduous teeth start occurring as early as 3 to 4 years old, suggesting an early start to caries. Compared with other samples from Lagoa Santa, Lapa do Santo shows statistically similar prevalence of overall caries but different caries location pattern. We believe that a subsistence adaptation to a tropical environment rich in sources of carbohydrates, such as fruits, is the best explanation for the overall caries prevalence.

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Paleopathologists have begun exploring the pathoecology of parasitic diseases in relation to diet and environment. We are summarizing the parasitological findings from a mummy in the site of Lapa do Boquete, a Brazilian cave in the state of Minas Gerais. These findings in context of the archaeology of the site provided insights into the pathoecology of disease transmission in cave and rockshelter environments. We are presenting a description of the site followed by the evidence of hookworm, intestinal fluke, and Trypanosoma infection with resulting Chagas disease in the mummy discovered in the cave. These findings are used to reconstruct the transmission ecology of the site.

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A noção de "memória do sonho" (Traumgedãchtnis) aparece logo de início na obra freudiana, desde o primeiro capítulo d'A interpretação dos sonhos. Revela o interesse de Freud pelas "experiências" e pelas "impressões sensoriais" dos "primeiríssimos tempos da infância". Mas a importância concedida a essa memória da "vivência" da primeira infância que só o sonho é capaz de conservar, uma "memória sem lembrança", desaparecerá, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1910, em prol da memória da "transferência infantil", do conteúdo do relato do sonho, portadores das lembranças representadas. Para a autora, Freud impõe, assim, uma limitação a seu método e reduz o campo da rememoração. Isso torna ainda mais marcante o retorno da concepção de 1900 no final da obra freudiana. Em 1938, no Compêndio de psicanálise, a retomada da noção de "memória do sonho" deve ser entendida como um momento de ampliação do método, como indicação por parte de Freud da via a seguir para ter acesso aos traços não representáveis dos traumas dos "primeiríssimos tempos da infância", sem o que a análise fracassa, tal como a do Homem dos Lobos.

The notion of "memory of the dream" (Traumgedächtnis) is presented in Freud's early work, since the first chapter of The interpretation of dreams. It reveals that Freud was interested in the "experiences" and the "sensorial impressions" of the "earliest childhood". However, the importance given to the memory of "living" the early childhood - a memory that only dreams are able to preserve (a "memory without memory") - will disappear to make way for the memory of "infantile transference", of the content of the reported dream, which brings represented memories. It starts especially from the second decade of the 20th Century. In the author's opinion, Freud imposes a limit on his method, and reduces the rememorization field. It makes the return of the 1900's thinking in Freud's late work even more outstanding. In 1938, the return to the notion of "memory of the dream" (in An outline of psychoanalysis) should be understood as the moment when the method is extended, as a Freud's suggestion of the path that should be taken in order to access the not representable traumas of the "earliest childhood"; without that, analysis has no success, just like happened in the case of the Wolf Man.

La noción de "memoria del sueño" (Traumgedächtnis) aparece de forma temprana en las obras freudianas, en el primer capítulo de La interpretación de los sueños. Revela el interés de Freud por las "experiencias" y por las "impresiones sensoriales" de los "primerísimos tiempos de la infancia". No obstante, la importancia concedida a esa memoria de la "vivencia" de la primera infancia que solamente el sueño es capaz de conservar, una "memoria sin recuerdos", desaparecerá, principalmente a partir de la década de 1910, en pro de la memoria de "transferencia infantil", del contenido del relato del sueño, portadores de los recuerdos representados. Para la autora, Freud impone, de esta forma, una limitación a su método y reduce el campo de la rememoración. Eso torna aún más importante el retorno de la concepción de 1900 al final de la obra freudiana. En 1938, en el Esquema del psicoanálisis, la retomada de la noción de la "memoria del sueño" debe ser interpretada como un momento de ampliación del método, como una indicación por parte de Freud del camino a seguir para tener acceso a los trazos no representables de los traumas de los "primerísimos tiempos de la infancia", con el objetivo de evitar el fracaso del análisis, como sucede en el caso del Hombre de los Lobos.

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The comparison of morphological, mineralogical and chemical data of a soil with anthropic horizons - Archeological Black Earth (ABE) and surrounding Argissolos (Typic Kandiudox or Ultisols) allowed the identification of the main process acting on the ABE formation from the town of Bom Jesus do Tocantins, southeastern Pará State. The similarity between the data in the subsurface horizons of ABE and surrounding soils indicates that the former was likely developed from Argissolos with later pedogenetic transformation by the input of organic and inorganic materials from ancient human settlements, which resulted in thickness of the surface horizon and higher concentrations of CaO and P2O5 (total content), Zn (trace content), available P and Zn (available content), and exchangeable Ca and Mg (exchangeable content) compared to surrounding Argissolos. Furthermore, such anthropic disturbance also resulted in changes in the subsurface horizon of Argissolos with ABE, such as high concentrations of P2O5 and available P. The Soil Taxonomy and Brazilian System of Soil Classification (BSSC) are suitable to identify soils with ABE, as they prioritize at the highest categorical level the main pedogenetic process acting on soil development and formation, related to the subsurface horizons, and later pedogenetic transformations in the surface horizon. However, this study proposes the addition of diagnostic properties such as ceramic and lithic artifacts, P2O5 and available P and Zn, organic C, Ca2++ Mg2+ (exchangeable content), CEC and base saturation in the surface horizon to classify and discriminate several kinds of anthropic soils in the Amazon region.

A comparação de dados morfológicos, mineralógicos e químicos de solo com horizontes antrópicos - Terra Preta Arqueológica (TPA) com Argissolos adjacentes permitiu identificar os principais processos responsáveis pela formação da TPA em um sítio arqueológico no Município de Bom Jesus do Tocantins, sudeste do Estado do Pará. A similaridade entre os dados dos horizontes subsuperficiais do solo com TPA e solos adjacentes indica que o horizonte antrópico do solo TPA foi provavelmente desenvolvido a partir de um horizonte similar aos Argissolos adjacentes com posterior transformação pedogenética através da introdução de materiais orgânicos e inorgânicos por antigas colonizações humanas, resultando no espessamento do horizonte superficial e em concentrações maiores de CaO e P2O5 (teores totais), Zn (teor traço), P e Zn disponível (teores disponíveis), além de Ca e Mg trocáveis (teores trocáveis) em relação aos Argissolos adjacentes. Além disso, essa intervenção antrópica antiga também provocou modificações no horizonte subsuperficial do Argissolo com TPA, como concentrações altas de P2O5 e principalmente P disponível. O Soil Taxonomy e o Sistema Brasileiro de Classificação de Solos (SiBCS) são adequados para a identificação de solo com horizonte antrópico (p.exe. TPA), uma vez que priorizam nas ordens do solo os principais processos pedogenéticos atuantes na formação do solo, relacionados aos horizontes subsuperficiais, além das transformações pedogenéticas posteriores no horizonte superficial. Contudo, este trabalho recomenda o acréscimo de alguns atributos diagnósticos como quantidade de artefatos cerâmicos e líticos, P2O5, P e Zn disponíveis, C orgânico, Ca2++ Mg2+ (teores trocáveis), CTC e índice de saturação por bases no horizonte superficial para o agrupamento e distinção dos diversos tipos de solos antrópicos antigos da Amazônia.