Assuntos
Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Pesquisa/estatística & dados numéricos , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , Animais , Cavernas , Homicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , México , Pesquisadores/psicologia , Medidas de SegurançaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Data on the prevalence and correlates of illegal drug use in Puerto Rico are now almost 20 years old. OBJECTIVES: This study sought to estimate the 12-month prevalence of illegal and non-prescribed medical drug use in San Juan, Puerto Rico and identify sociodemographic correlates of use. METHODS: Data are from a random household sample of 1510 individuals, 18-64 years of age in San Juan, Puerto Rico. RESULTS: The 12-month prevalence of any illegal or non-prescribed drug use was 16.5%. Prevalence among men (20.7%) was higher than among women (12.9%; chi2â¯=â¯16.308; dfâ¯=â¯1; pâ¯<â¯.01). Prevalence for specific drugs ranged from 11.2% for marijuana to 0.2% for methadone. RESULTS: of the multiple logistic regression analysis showed that male gender (ORâ¯=â¯1.67, 95CIâ¯=â¯1.21-2.3; pâ¯<â¯.01), age 18-29 (ORâ¯=â¯2.39; 95CIâ¯=â¯1.35-4.23; pâ¯<â¯.01), age 30-39 (ORâ¯=â¯1.93; 95CIâ¯=â¯1.01-3.69; pâ¯<â¯.05), low (ORâ¯=â¯2.03; 95CIâ¯=â¯1.36-3.02; pâ¯<â¯.001) and medium (ORâ¯=â¯1.50; 95CLâ¯=â¯1.01-2.23; pâ¯<â¯.05) family cohesion/pride, and no religious preference (ORâ¯=â¯1.99; 95CIâ¯=â¯1.23-3.22; pâ¯<â¯.01) increased the odds of drug use. Annual family income of $40,000-$60,000 (ORâ¯=â¯0.45; 95CIâ¯=â¯0.21-0.93; pâ¯<â¯.05) and $60,001 and more (ORâ¯=â¯0.35; 95CIâ¯=â¯0.13-0.94; pâ¯>â¯.05) were negatively associated with drug use compared to annual income up to $10,000. CONCLUSIONS: As in many other places in the U.S., drug use in San Juan, Puerto Rico is high, affecting about 1 in 6 adults in the population. The highest prevalence is for marijuana use, which cannot be medically prescribed and of which recreational use is illegal on the island.
Assuntos
Drogas Ilícitas , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/diagnóstico , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/epidemiologia , Inquéritos e Questionários , Adolescente , Adulto , Fatores Etários , Feminino , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Prevalência , Porto Rico/epidemiologia , Fatores Sexuais , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/economia , Adulto JovemRESUMO
The impact of illicit drug markets on the occurrence of violence varies tremendously depending on many factors. Over the last years, Mexico and the USA have increased security border issues that included many aspects of drug-related trade and criminal activities. Mexico experienced only a small reduction in trauma deaths after the enforcement of severe crime reinforcement policies. This strategy in the war on drugs is shifting the drug market to other Central American countries. This phenomenon is called the ballooning effect, whereby the pressure to control illicit drug-related activities in one particular area forces a shift to other more vulnerable areas that leads to an increase in crime and violence. A human rights crisis characterized by suffering, injury, and death related to drug trafficking continues to expand, resulting in the exorbitant loss of lives and cost in productivity across the continent. The current climate of social violence in Central America and the illegal immigration to the USA may be partially related to this phenomenon of drug trafficking, gang violence, and crime. A health care initiative as an alternative to the current war approach may be one of the interventions needed to reduce this crisis.
Assuntos
Tráfico de Drogas/estatística & dados numéricos , Drogas Ilícitas , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , América Central , Tráfico de Drogas/economia , Política de Saúde/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/efeitos adversos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , México/epidemiologia , Política , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/epidemiologia , Estados Unidos/epidemiologiaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: The Uruguayan Cannabis Clubs (UCCs) constitute one of three ways to obtain cannabis under the new cannabis regulation laws. These organizations, formed by up to 45 adults and with a legal limit to grow up to 99 plants, appear to provide a safe method of procuring cannabis in a country that is trying to regulate aspects of cannabis production and distribution. This article describes the operations of the UCCs and the challenges these organizations face. METHODS: The paper draws on data from in-depth interviews conducted with representatives of UCCs and conversations with government officials conducted between March and August of 2015. We collected information about membership, facilities and forms of organization, methods of cannabis cultivation and distribution, and activities within the community. RESULTS: This article describes how UCCs are formed, their resources, rules for cannabis production and distribution; and their relationships with government institutions and the community. Data show that UCCs face four main challenges: compliance with the extant regulation, financial sustainability, tolerance from the community, and collective action dilemmas. CONCLUSIONS: Organizational challenges are as frequent in Uruguay as in other country where cannabis clubs exist, however this paper shows that in order to be sustainable, UCCs need to address issues of collective action, financial sustainability, and possible competition with cannabis distribution via pharmacies that could diminish membership. In the case of Uruguay, UCCs are part of a regulation effort, though they may not be preferred over other legal alternatives already in place.
Assuntos
Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Fumar Maconha/legislação & jurisprudência , Adulto , Cannabis , Comércio/economia , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Masculino , Fumar Maconha/economia , UruguaiRESUMO
BACKGROUND: In 2013, Uruguay became the first country to fully regulate the cannabis market, which now operates under state control. Cannabis can be legally acquired in three ways: growing it for personal use (self-cultivation), cannabis club membership, and from pharmacies (not yet implemented). Users must be entered into a confidential official registry to gain access. METHODS: This article presents findings of a Respondent Driven Sample survey of 294 high-frequency cannabis consumers in the Montevideo metropolitan area. RESULTS: Frequent consumers resort to more than one method for acquiring cannabis, with illegal means still predominating after 1 year of the new regulation law. Cannabis users overwhelmingly support the current regulation, but many of them are reluctant to register. CONCLUSIONS: Some of the attitudes and behaviors of the high-frequency consumers pose a challenge to the success of the cannabis law. Individuals relying on more than one method of access defy the single access clause, a prerequisite for legal use, while the maximum amount of cannabis individuals can access monthly seems too high even for most frequent consumers, which might promote the emergence of a grey market. Reluctance to register among a significant proportion of high-frequency consumers raises doubts about the law's ability to achieve its stated objectives.
Assuntos
Cannabis , Comércio/estatística & dados numéricos , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Fumar Maconha/legislação & jurisprudência , Adolescente , Adulto , Feminino , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Masculino , Fumar Maconha/economia , Fumar Maconha/epidemiologia , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Inquéritos e Questionários , Uruguai , Adulto JovemRESUMO
BACKGROUND: For more than 30 years, the main strategy to control illicit coca crops has been forced eradication. Despite the importance of social investment and persistent poverty in areas where illicit crops are grown, there is no empirical evidence of the effect of social expenditures on preventing and reducing the expansion of illicit crops. METHODS: This paper analyses how social investment in conjunction with eradication affects new coca crops. The model is tested using a dataset consisting of annual data for 440 contiguous municipalities that had coca in any year between 2001 and 2010. The analysis includes the two main techniques used to control illicit crops, manual eradication and aerial spraying. RESULTS: Aerial spraying is effective in deterring farmers from increasing the size of their new coca fields, but this effect is small. Social investment, in addition to generating social welfare, has a significant negative relationship with new coca crops, 0.09-hectare reduction in new coca crops per additional 50-cent spent in social investment (human capital and infrastructure) per inhabitant. CONCLUSION: Social investment emerges as a complementary and effective strategy to control illicit crops.
Assuntos
Coca/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Cocaína/economia , Comércio/economia , Produtos Agrícolas/economia , Tráfico de Drogas/economia , Herbicidas , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Aerossóis , Comportamento de Escolha , Cocaína/provisão & distribuição , Colômbia , Produtos Agrícolas/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Ecossistema , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Modelos Teóricos , Pobreza/economia , Fatores de TempoAssuntos
Publicidade Direta ao Consumidor/economia , Publicidade Direta ao Consumidor/legislação & jurisprudência , Custos de Medicamentos/legislação & jurisprudência , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/economia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Comércio/economia , Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Estados UnidosRESUMO
Brazil, the 6th largest world economy, has experienced rapid economic, demographic, and social structural changes during the last decade. Notwithstanding, Brazil being one of the most unequal societies worldwide, 40 million of 200 million Brazilians have moved from poverty to middle-class standards during this period. This review analyzes the success of different Brazilian initiatives aiming to reduce drug consumption-related harms, as well as the failed attempts to curb structural violence, despite some very recent initiatives have yet to be fully implemented and evaluated.
Assuntos
Redução do Dano , Política de Saúde , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/psicologia , Violência/psicologia , Síndrome da Imunodeficiência Adquirida/complicações , Síndrome da Imunodeficiência Adquirida/epidemiologia , Brasil/epidemiologia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Abuso de Substâncias por Via Intravenosa/complicações , Abuso de Substâncias por Via Intravenosa/psicologia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/complicações , Violência/economiaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Methamphetamine is a serious illicit drug problem in the United States and globally. For decades, methamphetamine has been supplied to the illicit market through local clandestine manufacturing and trafficking. In the early stages, illicit methamphetamine was produced and trafficked by motorcycle gangs and Mexican criminal groups. Over time, local clandestine manufacturing increasingly contributed to the illicit supply and broader methamphetamine problem. This review examines the evolution of the illicit methamphetamine supply in the U.S. METHODS: A review of the literature on methamphetamine production and trafficking was conducted. Information was obtained from numerous sources including governmental reports, books and academic articles. RESULTS: Attempts to control the supply of methamphetamine have only led to short term disruptions in availability. Clandestine manufacturing and trafficking have undergone significant changes over the past several decades. Shifts in local production have regularly been counterbalanced by changes in production and trafficking from criminal organizations in Mexico. Transnational criminal organizations now control much of the methamphetamine supply in the U.S. and methamphetamine remains widely available. CONCLUSIONS: The supply of methamphetamine in the United States is dynamic. Producers and traffickers have adapted to control efforts and the problem continues. Control efforts focused on eliminating supply are limited at best.
Assuntos
Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Crime/prevenção & controle , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Metanfetamina/provisão & distribuição , Formulação de Políticas , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Meios de Transporte/legislação & jurisprudência , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/economia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/história , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/prevenção & controle , Comércio/economia , Comportamento Cooperativo , Crime/economia , Crime/história , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/economia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/história , Regulamentação Governamental , História do Século XX , História do Século XXI , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/história , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Cooperação Internacional , Aplicação da Lei , Metanfetamina/síntese química , Metanfetamina/economia , Metanfetamina/história , México , Política Pública/economia , Política Pública/história , Fatores de Tempo , Meios de Transporte/economia , Meios de Transporte/história , Estados UnidosRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Data on the cocaine market appear inconsistent, as they tend to show declining prices vis-a-vis steady or increasing demand and a declining supply. This paper proposes an explanation for this trend by providing evidence of an under-estimation of the supply of cocaine. METHODS: We propose a conservative estimate of cocaine production in Colombia for 2008, using data based on all reported seizures from 328 laboratories made by the counteracting organisations operating within the Colombian territory. RESULTS: Our conservative estimate of 935 tons from the seized laboratories is at least twice the estimate declared in official statistics of 295-450 tons. We are careful to keep all variables to their minimum boundary values. Our methodology could prove to be a useful tool, especially if used in parallel with the standard tools. Moreover, its characteristics (affordability, ease of use and potential for worldwide adoption) make it a powerful instrument to counteract cocaine production.